New Flinque AI now scores creator authenticity in real time across 4 platforms. See how
Tad Stoermer (@tad.stoermer), Instagram profile photo
Verified on Instagram

Tad Stoermer

Education
@tad.stoermer
Public Historian Johns Hopkins Univ. / Univ. of Southern Denmark A RESISTANCE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES (@SteerforthPress, 2026)
  • Pets
  • Following 1.1K
  • Followers 139.8K
  • Engagement 3.95%
  • Avg comments 156

About Tad Stoermer

Tad Stoermer (@tad.stoermer) is an Education creator on Instagram, also filed under Pets. The account has 139,780 followers and 462 published posts. Recent posts average 4,978 likes and 156 comments, an engagement rate of 3.95%.

An audience of 139.8K puts Tad Stoermer in the mid-tier, between 100,000 and 1 million followers. Set against 1,099 accounts followed, the audience works out to about 127 followers per account Tad Stoermer follows. Tad Stoermer uses an Instagram professional account. Flinque files Tad Stoermer under Education, with Pets as a secondary category.

The Instagram bio for Tad Stoermer runs to 18 words across 3 lines. The bio mentions @SteerforthPress. The latest activity Flinque has on record for Tad Stoermer dates from May 2026.

462 Posts

Of the 10 most recent posts shown for Tad Stoermer, 9 are videos and 1 is a carousel. That mix leans toward videos. 462 published posts give Tad Stoermer a moderate archive on Instagram. Against the audience, that is roughly 303 followers for each post published. All 10 carry captions, averaging 167 words each. The captions are written mainly in English. Words that recur across them include resistancehistory, publichistory, howrevolutionary, people and first. The captions tag #resistancehistory, #publichistory, #howrevolutionary, #america250 and #americanhistory.

Another Roberts Court ruling, another round of legal writers lamenting a return to the Court’s “darkest days”—pointing, as the establishment always does, to the post-Reconstruction era of Jim Crow and Plessy.

It’s a comforting hallucination. It lets them pretend the gutting of the 14th Amendment is some inexplicable descent into darkness, a hijacking of the “American experiment.” But holding onto that fairy tale requires a profound, willful amnesia about the actual masonry of the First Republic.

The first 80 years of this country weren’t a rough draft waiting for a moral polish. They were a bespoke, highly efficient ethnostate. The machinery of 1789 did exactly what it was engineered to do: protect property, uphold entrenched hierarchies, and launder it all through the bloodless, respectable language of their version of republicanism.

The darkest days of the Supreme Court were every single day.

We love to pretend Reconstruction was a great moral awakening. It wasn’t. It was a constitutional takeover forced by a vanguard of Radical Republicans and backed by the bayonets of the U.S. Army. They installed an egalitarian operating system onto a machine built explicitly for propertied, Protestant, elite white men. When the troops left and the backroom deals were struck, the Court didn’t “go rogue.” It just woke up from a fever dream and smothered that radical text with the original tools of the Founders.

Commentators love quoting Harlan’s “colorblind” dissent in Plessy, conveniently ignoring that he made white supremacy the literal prerequisite for it. Because white dominance in wealth and prestige and politics was so secure, Harlan argued, American law could afford the polite luxury of being colorblind on paper.

That is exactly the logic the Roberts Court relies on today. The line from Marshall to Story to Taney to Fuller to Roberts isn’t a metaphor. It is the structural reality of the judiciary. The Warren Court was the anomaly. Roberts is just the patient custodian of the original blueprint, calmly restoring the First Republic.

#resistancehistory #publichistory #howrevolutionary
Check out what some early reviewers are saying about A RESISTANCE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES by Tad Stoermer

The United States was shaped by resistance—but not in the way we’ve been taught. The Revolution did not secure liberty; it opened the door to either liberty or oppression, where only white men enjoyed all of the benefits and protections of citizenship.

In A Resistance History of the United States, public historian Tad Stoermer shows how from the very beginning, that tension—between the ideals of resistance and the realities of power—has defined America more than the Enlightenment ideals enshrined in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.

Publishing June 2, 2026

Thank you to and its great reviewers!

#historybooks #nonfictionbooks #resistancehistory #netgalleyreview #earlyreview
Amos Lawrence was about the last man you would expect to turn into an anti-slavery force. He was a Boston textile magnate whose fortune ran on Southern cotton, and for years he defended the compromisers of the 1840s and 1850s as the responsible result of the reasonable, grown-up position. Then in 1854 he watched the federal government send soldiers to march one man, Anthony Burns, out of Boston and back to slavery, and something he had spent years managing to ignore became impossible to un-see. He later said that men like him “went to bed one night old-fashioned, conservative, Compromise Union Whigs and waked up stark mad Abolitionists.” He started pouring money into the antislavery fight in Kansas soon after.

Nobody argued him into it. He was disillusioned in the literal sense, freed from an illusion he had every comfortable reason to keep, and in America’s resistance history that has usually been the start of something rather than the end of it. The clarity tends to come first, often as a kind of grief, and the resolve comes after, because once you can actually see what is in front of you, waiting stops passing for wisdom. The people telling you to stay calm understand that better than you do, which is why they would rather you never have the night Lawrence had.

#publichistory #resistancehistory #howrevolutionary #america250 #americanhistory
No one comes to Naples for the resistance history — then there is me. The city tells the story of one of the most powerful resistance moments I know of. In September 1943, after years of Allied bombing and Nazi occupation, ordinary Neapolitans — workers, students, women, even children as young as 10 — rose up and fought the Nazi garrison street by street for four days. By the time the Allied troops arrived on October 1, Naples had already liberated itself. It was the first major European city to do it.

The cost was enormous. Somewhere between 160 and 300 Neapolitans were killed in the four days of fighting, many of them teenagers. The scugnizzi — the street children of Naples who fought alongside the adults — became symbols of the uprising.

It became known as the Quattro Giornate.

I’m today heading to a monument to the young fighters near the archaeological museum.

#resistancehistory #publichistory #naples
Suzan DelBene, who chairs the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said this after the Supreme Court of Virginia threw out a voter-approved redistricting amendment on May 8: “Our democracy was founded on the belief that the people have the final say. In November, they will, and they’ll power Democrats to the House majority.”

Her sentence presents three things as one continuous proposition: the will of the people, the foundation of democracy, and a Democratic House majority. Not “we have to win in order to defend democracy.” Not “a Democratic majority would let us repair what is broken.” One proposition. The sovereignty of the people equals the victory of the party.

That collapse is a chokepoint.

If “defending democracy” means “the party winning the next cycle,” then every constitutional crisis gets converted into a mobilization opportunity for the institution responding to it. The Court guts Section 2. The pitch is the House. Virginia loses 10-1 to 6-5. The pitch is the House. Alabama gets remanded under a new doctrinal regime designed to dilute Black votes. The pitch is the House. The diagnosis never has to escape the size of the next election, because escaping that size would require the DCCC to acknowledge that a House majority cannot fix what is broken — and an organization built around producing House majorities cannot afford to acknowledge that.

#publichistory #resistancehistory #howrevolutionary #congress #constitution
There was a moment, not long ago, when Americans could imagine changing the Constitution — not just amending it, but treating the architecture itself as a thing people had built, and could build differently.

1973. Middle of Watergate. Congress passed the War Powers Resolution over Nixon’s veto. The Electoral College was nearly abolished. The Church Committee was about to disassemble the intelligence state in public. People in serious legislative offices thought the design was on the table.

That room is empty today.

The response to a presidency that does not work has become “elect a better president” — which is the exact thing the Framers’ design was supposed to prevent. That is not a structural answer. It is what we say instead of having one.

The loss is not that we have forgotten how to amend the Constitution. The amendment process was the chokepoint, not the cure. What we have lost is the imagination that the Constitution is something people built — and which people, if they chose, could build differently.

#resistancehistory #publichistory #howrevolutionary #imperialpresidency
Turning ideas into enemies.

#resistancehistory #publichistory #howrevolutionary
The Supreme Court killed what was left of the Voting Rights Act on Wednesday. Here is what congressional Democrats did. Schumer launched a task force. Jeffries told a reporter the answer was better candidate recruitment. Others think that promoting another piece of legislation will be the answer to the problem. So let me tell you about three people who had a different answer.

Thaddeus Stevens. Charles Sumner. Ben Wade. They did not run the Republican party in the 1860s — they were a faction inside it, outvoted by their own moderates on most things that mattered. Andrew Johnson, the white supremacist accidental president, was pardoning rebel officials by the tens of thousands and watching Southern legislatures pass Black Codes that put freed people back into something close to slavery. Every challenge to Reconstruction was heading toward a Supreme Court whose Dred Scott decision was barely a decade old. Stevens, Sumner, and Wade refused to treat the federal judiciary as a fixed object. Between 1866 and 1869, the faction they led drove three structural moves through Congress: a reduction in the size of the Court that denied Johnson any appointments, a redrawing of the federal circuits that broke the South's hold on the appellate bench, and a stripping of jurisdiction that yanked a Reconstruction challenge off the Supreme Court's docket while it was being decided. They had to pull moderates with them on every one of those votes. They got the votes anyway.

The tools they used are still in Article III. The constitutional authority is still there. Even if congressional Democrats want to pretend it isn't.

#resistancehistory #publichistory #howrevolutionary #supremecourt #votingrights
Most Americans think George III did the things the Declaration of Independence accuses him of. He didn’t. He couldn’t have. The Continental Congress knew that. So why did Jefferson write it that way — and what has two centuries of believing him done to American political culture? Tomorrow, live, with us at the Center for American Studies at SDU.

But first, we’re treating everyone to the best pints pulled in all Denmark at.

#publichistory #resistancehistory #howrevolutionary #america250 #declarationofindependence
Tomorrow (4/30) we will be live from SDU about the 250th. We'll get into how the Declaration is being deployed right now in the US and across Europe, some new books out on it, whose voices those books leave out, and what our faculty and students make of the moment.

Give us your questions below, or send them in the chat tomorrow.

10:30 CET. YouTube and Instagram.

#america250 #americanstudies #declarationofindependence #publichistory #americanhistory

Tad Stoermer's engagement

Tad Stoermer's engagement rate on Instagram is 3.95%, between 3% and 6%, or 3 to 6 likes and comments per 100 followers. On a typical post that comes to about 1 like or comment for every 25 followers. An average post collects 4,978 likes and 156 comments, close to 32 likes for each comment.

Engagement rate

3.95%

Avg likes
5K
Avg comments
156
Interactions : followers
1 : 25

Lookalike Creators

A free account lists creators whose audiences behave like this one, ready to shortlist and compare side by side.

Age & Gender

Unlocking shows how this audience splits across age bands and gender, charted from follower data.

Audience Location

Unlocking reveals the countries and cities where the most active followers of this account are concentrated.

Primary Language

Unlocking shows the languages this audience uses most in comments, interactions and the content it consumes.

Audience Interests

Unlocking lists the topics and categories this audience follows and engages with most often across the platform.

Authenticity

Unlocking scores how genuine the audience is, flagging fake, inactive or bot followers found in engagement patterns.

Audience Quality Score

Unlocking gives one overall audience quality score combining authenticity, engagement, follower activity and audience relevance.

Brand Affinity

Unlocking names the brands this audience already follows, mentions or engages with across social platforms.

Content Strategy

Unlocking breaks down the content pillars, tone and visual style this creator uses, and which formats perform best.

Commercial Insights

Unlocking shows collaboration types, an estimated pricing tier and a brand safety risk read for sponsored campaigns.

Industry Fit

Unlocking rates how well this creator and audience align with specific industry verticals and brand categories.

Research Tad Stoermer further

Flinque ranks Instagram creators in Education and Pets, categories Tad Stoermer is filed under, and its free tools measure the same figures for any public account.

Frequently asked questions

These answers about Tad Stoermer are generated from the Instagram profile data Flinque holds for the account.

Who is Tad Stoermer?

Tad Stoermer (@tad.stoermer) is an Education creator on Instagram, also filed under Pets. Tad Stoermer uses an Instagram professional account. The Instagram bio for Tad Stoermer runs to 18 words across 3 lines.

How many followers does Tad Stoermer have?

Tad Stoermer has 139,780 followers on Instagram (139.8K). Set against 1,099 accounts followed, the audience works out to about 127 followers per account Tad Stoermer follows. 462 published posts give Tad Stoermer a moderate archive on Instagram.

What is Tad Stoermer's engagement rate?

Tad Stoermer's engagement rate on Instagram is 3.95%, between 3% and 6%, or 3 to 6 likes and comments per 100 followers. On a typical post that comes to about 1 like or comment for every 25 followers. An average post collects 4,978 likes and 156 comments, close to 32 likes for each comment.

What does Tad Stoermer post about on Instagram?

Flinque files Tad Stoermer under Education, with Pets as a secondary category. Of the 10 most recent posts shown for Tad Stoermer, 9 are videos and 1 is a carousel. The 10 recent Instagram captions Flinque holds for Tad Stoermer repeatedly use the words resistancehistory, publichistory, howrevolutionary, people and first. Tad Stoermer's captions carry hashtags such as #resistancehistory, #publichistory and #howrevolutionary. Tad Stoermer writes those captions mainly in English.

How do I contact Tad Stoermer for a collaboration?

Tad Stoermer's contact details are not published on Flinque's public profile. The Instagram bio links to 3 external sites, and a free Flinque account opens those links. Brands with a free Flinque account can shortlist Tad Stoermer and use Flinque's outreach tools wherever a contact route is on file.

Tad Stoermer's own Instagram profile is the one outbound link Flinque publishes for the account, and the 3 bio links open after signing up.

Public profile data sourced from Instagram. Flinque is not affiliated with Tad Stoermer.

Unlock Tad Stoermer's audience data